Anglo-Turkish Society

About 30 members and friends attended Sheniz Tan's lecture on 16-2-2010. We were honoured that Mrs Alpogan, wife of HE the Turkish Ambassador, and her niece were amongst the audience. The ATS Council was also well represented. Ready to face the elements after the lecture, they are, from left: Gönül Cilasun, Sally Mustoe, Necdet Cilasun, Betty McKernan, our lecturer Sheniz Tan, Monica Hubner, Naciye O'Reilly and Anne Hartley.

From left to right: Betül Ziler, Canan Maxton, Necdet Cilasun, Osman Streater, Gonül Cilasun, Naciye O'Reilly, Desmond O'Reilly, Kabby Streater, Ann Bird, Tülin Warman.
>> read lecture summary:

How far has the Caravan moved on?

Sheniz Tan*

I'm sure those of you who know of Irfan Orga will be familiar with the Turkish proverb "Dogs bark but the Caravan moves on". It was the title Orga gave to his travel book describing a journey to visit Yörük tribes in the 1950s. This proverb also influenced the final title of my dissertation: "How far has the caravan moved on?"

I first came across the Yörük while rummaging through the large Turkish collection in the basement of Durham University Library. In a random journal, I came upon an article on Türkmen tribes in Anatolia and became quite excited that tribal and nomadic societies still existed in modern Turkey. Not long after reading this article, I met with my father (who was Turkish) about a forthcoming trip to Mersin. I told him I also wished to meet rural communities especially tribes and nomads. My father immediately barked at me not to be so daft. 'Turkey is a modern country and doesn't have nomads any more. Zaman geçti - that time has passed'.

So for a year, I forgot all about tribes and nomads. Then following a meeting with John Norton, Director of Turkish Studies at Durham, the idea of studying change amongst Yörük society developed. Just before I left for Turkey that summer, I mentioned the project to my father who became excited and enthusiastic about the idea and promised to arrange some meetings with Yörük tribes. I was pretty surprised by this as not long before he had claimed nomads no longer existed. When I questioned him on this he explained, 'Nomads don't exist, but we do have Yörüks. I am a Yörük'. This was the first time he had ever mentioned it.

Through my father's connections I met with four Yörük tribes in the İçel region, including my father's tribe the Bahşis. All the Yörük tribes were based in their summer pastures in the Bolkar range of the Taurus Mountains.

Yörük Origins

The term Yörük does not denote a separate ethnic group within Turkic society but rather attempts to differentiate between those Turks who have settled and those who continue a nomadic way of life. As some of you may know, the term Yörük originates from the Turkish verb to walk - yürümek and means: they who walk as a way of life.

The Yörük are a semi-nomadic Turkic tribal people. Originally from the Altai mountains, Turkic tribes started migrating westwards in the 9th and 10th centuries. The term Yörük is believed to have first been used in 1430 to describe all people who led a nomadic life. However, by the 16th century the term had also acquired political meaning too.

By 1501, two Turkic dynasties were vying for power in Anatolia: The Sunni Ottomans and the Shi'ite Safavids. Both dynasties militarily relied on Türkmen tribes. Türkmen tribes were traditionally heterodox particularly on the frontiers of empires. Most Turkic tribes were members of the Sufi groups called tarikats. The Safavid dynasty was originally a Sunni-Sufi tarikat before it gained political power. Heterodox Türkmen tribes increasingly experienced suppression at the hands of the Ottomans and so more and more tribes gave their support to the Safavids. This led to a division in Ottoman Türkmen society. All those who were Shi'ite or members of a heterodox Sufi sect were immediately condemned as heretics and vilified with the name Kızılbaş, Tahtacı or simply Türkmen.

All the pro-Ottoman and Sunni tribes were from then onwards referred to as Yörük. As well as having a political meaning, the word Yörük means people in a tribal unit. Within Yörük society, even those persons who no longer migrate still members of the tribe and are still considered to be Yörüks. So Yörük means nomadic, political and religious allegiances and also tribal membership.

Changes amongst the Yörük

Economic


In the past, the Yörük herded camels to sell to the Ottoman military and to travelling caravans across the empire. But, with the mechanization of transport, the military invested in railways and stopped buying camels. Today, the Yörük primarily herd goats and sheep. Male animals are sold to farms and villages for meat. Goat hair and wool is also sold.

Originally goat hair, wool and skins would be kept and used for making tents, clothing and weaving. These days it is more valuable to sell. Today, amongst migrating Yörük tribes, kilim/carpet weaving is rare. With materials being sold, the skills are slowly dying out. The Yörük also produce dairy products - milk, yoghurt and cheese, produced primarily from goats' milk, such as tulum peynir - a type of goats' cheese, placed into a goat's skin and buried in the earth allowing the milk to mature into cheese quicker than it would above ground. Diary products are used for the Yörüks' own consumption with any excess being sold to villages.

Migration of the Yörük

Over the last 140 years, nomadic society has been persuaded to settle through enforcement strategies, financial inducements and pasture occupation. However, the Yörüks have mainly been exempt from these tactics.

Under the Ottomans it was mainly Türkmen, Tahtacı, Kızılbaş and Kurdish tribes who were stopped migrating while the Yörük way of life was promoted. Under the new Republic, all nomadic groups were affected by government decisions but again not as much pressure was placed on the Yörüks. Many Kurdish tribes adopted the title of Yörük to avoid government suppression and to gain benefits associated with the title. Those Yörüks that settled mainly set up Yörük-only villages based in between winter and summer pastures.

Traditionally, the Yörük did not own land but, due to villages expanding and cultivating traditional Yörük pasture land, more and more Yörüks have bought their own land. Originally, the Yörük migrated through all of Anatolia and even into Syria. But, with the fixing of borders and the claiming of land by villages, Yörük migration now generally takes place between two fixed points.

In the summer, the Yörük go to their yaylas (summer pastures), high in the mountains. As more traditional yayla land has been occupied by non-Yörük Turks, the Yörüks have gone further into the mountains. Yaylas are ideal for Yörük herds in the summer months. Being cooler there, vegetation remains edible.

The Yörüks' winter pastures are called kışlak. These are traditionally on lower ground as in the winter the mountains become too cold to inhabit. Kışlaks remain green and the Yörüks use this time to do necessary trading. The Yörük seasonal migration from their kislak to their yayla maintains their ancient tradition of travelling to survive.

The method of migration has changed over the last 50 years. In the past, Yörüks used used camels and donkeys to transport their belongings between their winter and summer pastures. Migration has now become mechanized - tractors, trucks, etc now convey their herds and belongings. In 1950s, it took the Bahsis 12-14 days to migrate. Today it takes a matter of hours.

Yörük Society

As well as changes to the means of migration, there have been many changes within Yörük Society. Yörüks, traditionally lived in black goat hair tents called çadirs or yurts. For example, this image shows a çadir belonging to a General who lives in Pammukale. However, with goat hair becoming more valuable to sell, Yörüks use more modern materials, as shown in these images of çadirs belonging to members of the Kadınlı, Keşli, and Bahşiş tribes.

The Beyler tribe live in a construction more like a çardak (traditionally a light structure of poles supporting a roof of branches). They even have electricity, using their tractors to run electrical items, for example, a television, a fridge and even an electric cooker.

Yörük society has experienced a decline in members who continue to travel. Many of them have set up villages near old pastures. For various reasons, including government financial incentives, the sake of their children's education and even simply for an easier life, many members of the younger generations have chosen to settle. For example, the Keşli Tribe: they remain on their yayla all year round, which is within easy walking distance of Arslanköy, a village inhabited by primarily Keşli Yörük.

Another reason for the decline in the number of seasonal migrants is the increasing complexity of modern Turkey nomadic travel. Whereas in the past there were just the problems relating to the tribe's migration, now, as well as the journey itself, they have to cope with hostile local communities, provincial authorities and government policies. And if Turkey enters the EU, there will even be international policies to face. Another reason is military service. Yörüks have always played a major role in the state's military machine, first as a frontier force and later as part of the standing army. But, with the foundation of the Republic, conscription has also changed.

Before a Yörük would be called up as part of the tribe to serve under a tribal lord/bey. Today, Yörüks are called up and sent as individuals around the country and even abroad. The effects on the tribe are significant. The tribe loses an essential member for months, if not years. And the experience of military service and settled society may cause a Yörük to leave the tribe and settle permanently. Not all Yörüks are tempted by sedentarised life. For example Nevzat Bey of the Kadınlı tribe completed his military service as a cook in Istanbul and happily returned to the tribe, having disliked settled life.

Religion

The Yörük are Sunni Orthodox Muslims adhering to the Hanafi school of thought. I touched briefly upon Yörük religious and political beliefs earlier. Yörük orthodox Islamic beliefs developed not only from the political situation between the Ottoman and Safavid Turkic dynasties but also from the extreme customs developing within Türkmen society. In 15th Century the majority of Türkmen society adhered to a popular form of Sufism, while others adhered to a high Sufism practised within the boundaries of Sunni Islam. Popular Sufism developed extreme tendencies, some of which were new, others originated from the Türkmen's shamanistic past. The extremities were known as ghuluw, with Türkmen adherers being called ghulat. The more extreme sects developed extrovert methods such as the use of drugs, alcohol consumption and whirling to reach a euphoric high. Others developed a form of cannibalism: following a victory in battle some Türkmen drank the blood and even ate the flesh of their enemies, believing that by doing so they would obtain their power. Unlike popular Sufism, high Sufism was deep rooted in orthodox Sunni Islam. High Sufi sects amongst the Türkmen included Mevlevi and Naqshbandi and favoured the Sha'fi and Hanafi Schools of Law.

Although the Yörüks remained Sunni, they did adapt to suit some of their own customs. Because of their nomadic way of life, they did not frequently visit mosques and the women did not wear the veil, although they do still wear headscarves, either tied under their chins or behind their ears life a bandana, wearing them in this fashion even when un-related men are present. Most Yörüks are not openly members of a Sufi sect but they still continue some Sufi-related customs. For example, they hang up effigies like goat skulls decorated with beads to scare off evil Jinn and they maintain Sin Sin - a mixture of shamanistic dance and Sufi exaltation custom, involving men animatedly throwing themselves around a fire.

Traditionally Yörük marriages would be within Yörük Society, the favoured partnership being father's brother's offspring. Today, most marriages take place between migrating Yörük and settled Yörük.

Again, this has led to fewer Yörüks travelling. If the groom is settled, then his bride will settle. If the groom continues to migrate, the bride will also return to nomadism. For example, Ebru Hanim of the Kadınlı tribe - her family have been settled for two generations. Ebru Hanım, left the comforts of Mersin City to return to nomadism.

Amongst Yörük tribes, kız kaçırma, bride kidknapping, is now rare. Only one tribe I visited, the Beyler, claim to continue the practice. The Beyler's obabey, Fazıl Bey, told me that if a boy took a particular interest in a girl he would advise him to take her, especially if there were opposition on the girl's side.

In the 1970s, there were many instances of kiz kaçırma resulting in blood feuds between tribes and clans. And tribes would often try to kill the kidnapper as well as their daughter to regain some of their lost honour. As in other Middle Eastern societies, chastity in Yörük women is of greatest importance. Loss of virtue will result in the loss of honour for the family and the tribe. Someone who witnesses loss of virtue in a woman would be duty bound to kill the woman immediately. What happened to the offending man would depend on his status in Yörük society. The higher his rank and status, the more protection and support a man would receive from the tribe if a blood feud developed.

Polygamy was quite popular amongst Yörük tribes in the past, for example my father's grandfather has at least two wives at the same time. However, there is no evidence of polygamy amongst modern Yörük tribes.

All Yörüks wear şalvar (the traditional Middle Eastern baggy trousers), with only the youngest children not doing so. All cover their heads and arms, not necessarily for religious reasons but more because of the weather. The women's headdress dalfez is now worn only on special occasions. The Yörüks' traditional shepherd's cloak is slowly being replaced by modern clothing. As with Yörük tents, the traditional materials used to make felt are now sold to farmers.

With regard to cooking, everyone is involved. The men slaughter the animal, men and women remove the meat from the carcass. Everything has a use. It is only during eating that segregation takes place, especially when guests are present.

Conclusion

In 1926 Atatürk introduced the Village Act. This sparked the beginning of transition for all aspects of Yörük society. The Yörük way of life has been affected by internal and external forces from the government, from the economy, through social changes and the development of education. These changes have developed a modern nomadic society that has adapted new ways of living to meet the demands of an ever changing world. These changes have inevitably brought about a decline in Yörük traditions. Indeed, they have affected that way of life so much that one can legitimately ask, "To what extent are the Yörük still nomadic when even the way they travel is controlled by outside forces?"


image courtesy of Sheniz Tan
A typical Yörük tent

image courtesy of Sheniz Tan
Bahşiş on Kızıldağ Mountain on the Bolkar range in the Taurus mountains.

image courtesy of Sheniz Tan
The Bahşiş children eating karlı reçel [flavoured snow] - the name of gathering the snow for this purpose is kar kuyusu [snow well].

image courtesy of Sheniz Tan
The Bahşiş Obabey [tribal leader] Abdi Keser Bey with a kepenek [shepherd's cloak].

image courtesy of Sheniz Tan
Members of the Kadınlı Aşiret on Bekiralar Yaylası.

image courtesy of Sheniz Tan
Kadınlı çadır [tent].

image courtesy of Sheniz Tan
Keşli çadır on Tırtar-Kuyucak (near Arslan köy) with a beşik [baby's cradle].

image courtesy of Sheniz Tan
Members of the Beyler tribe.

image courtesy of Sheniz Tan
Members of the Bahşiş tribe having lunch.

image courtesy of Sheniz Tan
The map shows the Bahşiş's yayla (Dümbelik Tepesi on Kızıldağ) and Kıslak (Igdır). It also shows the location of the Keşli's permament settlement near Tırtar called Tırtar-Kuyucak..

image courtesy of Sheniz Tan
A selection of images from Yörüks' traditional life dating back to the 1970s.



*Sheniz Tan did her degree at Durham University in politics and history of the Middle East with Turkish. She also did advanced Turkish at the SOAS Language School. She is a researcher and public affairs professional and has worked at Parliament and for the British Youth Council amongst others. For feedback, contact via: romanov16131917[at]yahoo.co.uk